Benarkah 20 Perkara Itu Tidak Penting???

Pihak SSKM-SSU(UK) tidak pernah terlintas untuk mencalarkan imej perjuangan anda, Zainnal Ajamain dan MP Goviind, namun timbul persoalan-persoalan yang hanya anda berdua sahaja mampu menjawabnya.

Persoalan yang perlu dijawab dengan jujur... Apakah keistimewaan anda yang akan membolehkan pihak kerajaan yang menyamar (malaya) ini akan mendengar permintaan anda untuk menghormati Perjanjian Malaysia 1963?

Mengimbas kembali sejarah tahun lepas 2014, YB.Darell Leiking selaku ahli Dewan Parlimen malaysia telah membawa kes untuk mengkaji semula perjanjian malaysia di peringkat parlimen (untuk dihormati). Apakah hasilnya? Yang Dipertua Dewan Parlimen telah menolaknya dengan alasan bahawa perkara tersebut penting tetapi tidak segera.

Pada peringkat Dewan Undangan Negeri (Negara) pula, YB.Datuk Dr.Jeffrey G.Kitingan selaku ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri Sabah juga telah membawanya untuk dikaji (dalam erti kata lain menghormati perjanjian malaysia 1963) tetapi tidak diterima atas alasan yang diberikan untuk menolak usul tersebut kononnya kerana ia telah dihantar lambat dan tidak menyatakan dengan spesifik kategori usul ini dibawah perenggan apa (sebenarnya usul tersebut sudah dihantar 2 minggu sebelum persidangan DUN bermula dan telah dinyatakan bahawa usul tersebut dibawah kategori "PENTING DAN SEGERA").

Jadi, sekali lagi ingin pihak kami tanyakan kepada anda berdua, apakah keistimewaan anda yang akan membuatkan pihak kerajaan malaysia ini akan mendengar permintaan anda agar ia (perjanjian malaysia 1963) dihormati sedangkan baru mahu meminta perjanjian malaysia ini untuk dikaji semula pun tidak dilayan?

Berbalik kepada persoalan-persoalan yang anda kemukakan dalam artikel anda yang bertajuk "Perkara 20 tidak penting", ini adalah jawapannya...

1. Semua perkara didalam 20 Perkara terdapat didalam Laporan Cobbold.
   
   
2. Tidak semua perkara yang terdapat didalam Laporan Cobbold dimasukkan kedalam 20 Perkara.
   
   
3. Laporan Cobbold merupakan satu rekomendasi kepada Kerajaan British dan malaya agar mereka memahami apakah kerisauan bangsa Borneo pada ketika itu apabila gagasan pembentukan persekutuan malaysia ini dicadangkan untuk ditubuhkan yang akan melibatkan Negara North Borneo (kini dikenali sebagai Negara Sabah) dan Negara Sarawak. IGC merupakan satu Committee yang bertanggungjawab dalam merangka Perlembagaan persekutuan malaysia namun mereka memutuskan untuk menggunakan perlembagaan persekutuan tanah melayu (malaya) terlebih dahulu sebagai asas kepada perlembagaan persekutuan malaysia dengan membuat perubahan akta bagi membolehkan kehadiran anggota baru dijustifikasikan dalam perlembagaan tersebut. Dalam perbincangan IGC, seharusnya perlembagaan baru dibuat selepas beberapa tahun kemudian persekutuan malaysia ini dibentuk. 20 Perkara merupakan Perkara-Perkara yang telah dipilih dan diambil daripada Laporan Cobbold oleh lima buah badan parti-parti politik Negara Sabah kerana ia merupakan Perkara-Perkara yang difikirkan MUSTAHAK untuk dimasukkan ke dalam Perjanjian Malaysia. Namun Perkara 7 tidak diterima kerana menurut kebijaksanaan Cobbold (Pengerusi Cobbold Commission) dan Lansdowne (Pengerusi IGC), pembentukkan persekutuan malaysia ini adalah dibentuk atas dasar "SUKARELA". Oleh itu, TIDAK BOLEH ada sebarang halangan ataupun sekatan kepada mana-mana anggota yang membentuk persekutuan ini untuk menarik diri daripada persekutuan malaysia jikalau mereka merasakan persekutuan ini sudah lagi tidak memberikan kebaikan kepada mereka. 
   
   
   Kesimpulannya, Laporan Cobbold dan IGC telah memperincikan segala perkara untuk pertimbangan termasuk dengan 20 Perkara yang telah diketengahkan kepada IGC agar mendapat LEBIH PERHATIAN bagi menjustifikasikan pembentukkan persekutuan malaysia. Walau bagaimanapun, Cobbold dan Lansdowne telah memberikan ruang kepada Negara Sabah dan Negara Sarawak untuk menarik diri daripada persekutuan malaysia pada bila-bila masa jikalau perlu tanpa sebarang sekatan. Atas sebab itulah mengapa tiada akta dalam perlembagaan malaysia yang melarang mana-mana negara yang bersekutu untuk menarik diri ataupun berpisah daripada persekutuan malaysia. Buktinya, Negara Singapura telah melakukannya pada 8 Ogos 1965 sebelum mendapat kelulusan daripada Dewan Parlimen Persekutuan Malaysia. Ini kerana pada tarikh tersebut, semua ahli undangan dewan Singapura telah mengundi untuk berpisah daripada persekutuan malaysia. Sehari selepas daripada tarikh tersebut iaitu pada 9 Ogos 1965, barulah tunku abdul rahman mengumumkan secara rasmi akan perpisahan tersebut. Itulah realitinya.

Pihak kami berharap segala jawapan yang telah kami berikan ini untuk persoalan-persoalan yang dikemukan oleh Zainnal dan MP Goviind ini terjawab. Tiada istilah penipuan yang dibawakan dalam perjuangan ini. Apa yang jelas ialah perspektif kefahaman anda berdua kepada perjuangan ini adalah berbeza daripada pihak kami. Sila lakukan cara anda dan kami lakukan cara kami. Tiada masalah.

Anda percaya bahawa hanya perlu membawa Perjanjian Malaysia 1963 sahaja barulah perkara ini akan selesai. Namun, berdasarkan kepada kefahaman melalui penerangan yang diberikan, perjuangan anda hanyalah ingin memperbetulkan konsep persekutuan malaysia dan mahu terus kekal dalam persekutuan malaysia. Sila perbetulkan kefahaman ini jikalau kurang tepat.

Manakala pihak kami, SSKM-SSU(UK) berjuang untuk terus membawa Negara Sabah dan Negara Sarawak berpisah daripada persekutuan malaysia ini. Melalui pandangan dalam sudut perundangan, perjanjian malaysia 1963 telah terbatal. Sila rujuk kepada artikel ini; Perjanjian Malaysia Adalah BATAL dan TIDAK SAH; Perjanjian Malaysia 1963 TIDAK SAH. Jikalau sudah tidak sah, untuk apa perlu dihormati? Sedangkan malaya sendiri tidak pernah ingin menghormatinya.

Keinginan bangsa Negara Sabah dan bangsa Negara Sarawak adalah Kemerdekaan MUTLAK iaitu bebas daripada pemerintahan kerajaan malaya yang telah menyamar menjadi kerajaan persekutuan malaysia. Bebas daripada cengkaman penjajahan malaya yang telah menjadikan Negara Sabah dan Negara Sarawak miskin hasil daripada sistem yang tidak adil dan direka untuk mengaut segala kekayaan di Negara Sabah dan Negara Sarawak untuk dibangunkan di malaya. Pada masa yang sama, menindas bangsa Negara Sabah dan Bangsa Negara Sarawak secara halus agar sentiasa bergantung kepada kepimpinan malaya. Ini telah memudahkan manipulasi kehidupan yang berunsurkan politik malah campur tangan politk yang tidak berkesudahan ini telah menjahanamkan bangsa Negara Sabah dan bangsa Negara Sarawak selama ini.

Diatas tangan Generasi Muda Negara Sabah dan Negara Sarawak yang telah memegang satu jumlah populasi yang majoriti di kedua-dua negara di Borneo ini, Perpisahan dan Kemerdekaan menjadi PILIHAN MUKTAMAD.

Disini, pihak kami berikan hasil daripada 20 Perkara yang telah diketengahkan oleh pemimpin-pemimpin yang lepas...

Siapa yang masih merasakan perkara 20/18 perjanjian malaysia hanyalah dimeja rundingan. Ini adalah bukti semuanya termaktub dalam perjanjian Malaysia 1963. 

Fakta menarik: Perkara 7: hak untuk keluar dari persekutuan malaysia tiada termaktub dalam perjanjian ini dan hanya diungkit dimeja rundingan sahaja.

Join The Fight! 

Sila baca artikel yang berkaitan ini:

• Terima Kasih Nasionalis Negara Sabah
• Hentikan Kekeliruan Anda Mengenai 18 & 20 Perkara Dan Perjanjian Malaysia 1963

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Persamaan dan Perbezaan Perjuangan...

Perbezaan yang perlu difahami dan direnungkan. Selepas itu, hak anda untuk menyokong.

PERSAMAAN 

Berjuang untuk Bangsa Negara Sabah dan Bangsa Negara Sarawak.

Golongan Nasionalis Kebangsaan Borneo.

PERBEZAAN

SSKM-SSU(UK): Menggunakan dokumen kolonial, Cobbold Commission, 18 & 20 Points, IGC Report, Malaysia Agreement 1963 dan Petisyen dalam menyampaikan perjuangan Bangsa Negara Sabah dan Bangsa Negara Sarawak melalui NGO untuk menuntut Self-Determination (Kemerdekaan) sebenar daripada UN dan ICJ. 

Zainnal dan MP Goviind: Berjuang melalui parti politik untuk memperbetulkan konsep persekutuan untuk terus kekal dalam persekutuan malaysia.

***Jika terdapat kesalahan mahupun kesilapan dalam perjuangan Zainnal dan MP Goviind, sila hubungi pihak SSKM-SSU(UK) untuk memperbetulkannya melalui email sskmsabahsarawak@gmail.com***

	SSKM-SSU(UK)	Zainnal dan MP Goviind
Asas Perjuangan	Colonial Documents, Cobbold Commission Report, 18 & 20 Points Memorandum, IGC Report, Malaysia Agreement 1963 dan Petisyen	Malaysia Agreement 1963
Objektif Perjuangan	1. Untuk mendidik rakyat Negara Sabah dan rakyat Negara Sarawak tentang kebenaran di sebalik sejarah PEMBENTUKAN PERSEKUTUAN MALAYSIA 1963, HAK Negara Sabah dan HAK Negara Sarawak MENGIKUT REFERENDUM 18/20 PERKARA. 2. Untuk meningkatkan kesedaran dan semangat Patriotisme dikalangan rakyat Negara Sabah dan rakyat Negara Sarawak terhadap negara-negara mereka (Sabah dan Sarawak). Justeru, mencetuskan semangat nasionalisme terhadap negara sendiri yang telah lama berada dibawah penindasan dan manipulasi Kerajaan Tanah Melayu (malaya) dan juga pemimpin tempatan yang rosak. 3. Mengumpul 300,000 tandatangan rakyat Negara Sabah dan rakyat Negara Sarawak untuk dikemukakan ke United Kingdom of Great Britain dan Northen Ireland (UK) dan Bangsa-bangsa Bersatu (PBB) bahawa Negara Sabah dan Negara Sarawak sudah tidak lagi berminat untuk terus berada sebahagian daripada Persekutuan Malaysia bersama dengan Malaya.	***kurang pasti***
Misi Perjuangan	Untuk mendapatkan Pengisytiharan Rasmi daripada The United Kingdom Great Britain dan Northen Ireland (UK) dan Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB), bahawa Negara Sabah (sebelum ini dikenali sebagai Borneo Utara) dan Negara Sarawak (dahulu dikenali sebagai Kingdom of Sarawak) sudah tidak lagi berminat untuk terus menjadi sebahagian daripada Persekutuan Malaysia, dan seterusnya menjadi Negara yang benar-benar Merdeka dan Berdaulat di Asia Tenggara yang bakal dikenali dengan nama "Republik Negara Borneo Utara / Republic of North Borneo (Sabah)" dan "Republik Negara Sarawak".	Memperbetulkan konsep asal persekutuan malaysia dengan memaksa kerajaan persekutuan kini untuk menghormati perjanjian malaysia 1963. ***berdasarkan kefahaman terhadap rentak perjuangan mereka***
Visi	Untuk mengaktifkan semula status Kemerdekaan Negara Sabah dan Kemerdekaan Negara Sarawak yang telah diberikan oleh British sebelum pembentukan Malaysia pada tahun 1963. Dengan demikian, akan benar-benar dapat membangunkan negara-negara ini menjadi antara negara-negara yang maju di Asia Tenggara.	***kurang pasti***
Strategi Perjuangan	Menyebarkan kebenaran yang selama ini disembunyikan melalui pendedahan sejarah yang berfakta dengan sokongan dokumen-dokumen penting kolonial. Menggunakan Media Sosial sebagai Agen Penyebaran Utama. Selain itu, memungut petisyen untuk target 300,000 tandatangan bagi menyokong perjuangan.	Memberikan ceramah untuk menerangkan Perjanjian Malaysia 1963 dan menyebarkan info melalui melalui media sosial.
Jentera Perjuangan	NGO	Parti Politik
Persamaan	Demi kepentingan Bangsa Negara Sabah dan Bangsa Negara Sarawak.
Perbezaan	Berpegang kepada 5 asas perjuangan sebagai pendirian utama dengan sokongan petisyen.		Berpegang kepada 1 asas perjuangan sebagai pendirian utama.
Target	United Nation (UN) dan International Court of Justice (ICJ)		***kurang pasti***
Kata Putus	Berpisah daripada persekutuan malaysia/malaya untuk menjadi Negara-Negara yang benar-benar Merdeka dan Berdaulat.		Kekal dalam persekutuan malaysia dan menjadi rakan kongsi yang sebenar dengan persekutuan tanah melayu.

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MALAYSIA FACING SECESSION THREAT IN BORNEO

SIMANGGANG (Sarawak), September 27. - The deposed Chief Minister of Sarawak, Dato Stephen Kalong Ningkan, plans to fight an anti-Malaysia campaign in the next general election unless the Central Government in Kuala Lumpur concedes greater powers of local autonomy to Sarawak.

Dato Ningkan will ask the Central Government to hand over to the State Government constitutional control over information and broadcasting and customs. If the Central Government refuses, he will call for Sarawak's secession from Malaysia and fight a "Sarawak for Sarawakians" campaign in the next general election.

Such a tactic is bound to cause embarrassment and anger in Kuala Lumpur. The Malaysian Government is committed, by the terms of its settlement with Indonesian to holding general election in Sarawak to demonstrate the State willingness to remain within the Malaysian Federation.

Most independent observers in Sarawak believe that Dato Ningkan's Sarawak National Party (SNAP) with the support of the predominantly Chinese Sarawak United People's party (SUPP) would now win comfortably a free election in Sarawak.

Belief

Dato Ningkan, a fiery Iban with a taste and talent for political infighting. Is now stumping the rugged Second Division of Sarawak, his tribal home territory, urging his supporters to resist "Domination from Kuala Lumpur."

British forces are now withdrawing from Sarawak, the Malaysian State which "bore" the main brunt of Indonesian confrontation during the past three years. The 4th Batallion, Royal Australian Regiment, which ---- missing note---- have accessed Britain of refusing to honor economic and financial commitments in order to pressure Malaysia into better relation with Singapore. British diplomat and expatriate British civil servants in Sarawak have been accused of "interfering" in the present political crisis in Sarawak.

Shortly after being sworn in as new Chief Minister last Saturday, Penghulu Tawi Sli Gooma, leader of the Alliance Coalition in Sarawak, issued an official statement alleging diplomatic interference.

Consulates

He said: "During the recent crisis some diplomatic personnel seem to have been extraordinarily active, and I have been informed that they take sides in our internal politic affairs. I am writing immediately to the Minister of External Affairs, asking them the particulars of some diplomatic personnel in Sarawak with the idea of finding out whether any of them was involved in the crisis."

Britain and the United States are the only two countries consulates in Kuching. One British consular official was personally named by  an Alliance backbench speaker in last week's debate in Kuala Lumpur on the emergency amendment to the Federal Constitution extending the powers of the Governor of Sarawak.

This correspondent can find no evidence of British interference in local politics. Most consular official and expatriate civil servants have been extremely reticent during the past week. Many have refused to talk to correspondents. Those who have agreed to talk privacy to me have expressed their belief in the continuing stability of Malaysia.

With the installation of the new Alliance Government in Sarawak, the political contest in Sarawak has now moved to the provinces. The new Chief Minister (Penghulu Tawi Bil) plans to tour the Upper Rajang area next week end rallying supports in the Third Division.

The deposed Chief Minister, Dato Ningkan, now touring the Second Division plans to force meeting of the divisional advisory councils - the second was in the indirect electoral system when formed the present parliament.

He claims to control at least four of the five divisional advisory councils and to have the necessary two thirds majorities to force the councils to meet.

His supporters in the divisional councils are now being asked to swear affidavits declaring no confidence in their present Alliance representatives and demanding a general election.

The divisional advisory councils have no constitutional power to force a general election. But an adverse vote for the new State Government in the divisional councils would be a psychological victory for Dato Ningkan.

Here, in the heart of the Second Division, independent observers say that the Dayak longhouses are solid in their support for Dato Ningkan who is now seen by increasing numbers of Ibans and Dayak, as the leader of a patriotic fight for the yet undefined caused of Sarawak nationalism.

27 September 1966

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18-point Memorandum Sarawak

Introduction

The 18-point agreement, or the 18-point memorandum, was a list of 18 points drawn up by Sarawak, proposing terms for its incorporation into Malaysia, during negotiations prior to the creation of the new federation in 1963.

A Commission of Enquiry, headed by Lord Cameron Cobbold, and The Lansdowne Committee, an inter-governmental committee, were appointed to aid in the drafting of the Malaysia Agreement. Lord Lansdowne served for Britain and Tun Abdul Razak, Deputy Prime Minister of the Federation of Malaya, served for Malaya. 

The 18 points were based on the Nine Cardinal Principles of the rule of the English Rajah. A similar memorandum, known as the 20-point agreement, was prepared and submitted by North Borneo. These memoranda are often cited by those who believe that Sarawak's and Sabah's rights within Malaysia have since been eroded.

Nine Cardinal Principles of the rule of the English Rajah

The Nine Cardinal Principles of the rule of the English Rajah is the Preamble of the Sarawak Constitution 1941, the document setting forth the Sarawak Constitution 1941 opened by enunciating the Cardinal Principle were edict by Charles Vyner Brooke, the White Rajah of Sarawak on 24 September 1941 known as the Nine Cardinal Principles of the rule of the White Rajah later adopted into the Report of the Commission of Enquiry, North Borneo and Sarawak, 1962 in APPENDIX C as the Nine Cardinal Principles of the rule of the English Rajah,

The Cardinal Principles are set out in the First Schedule to the Sarawak (Constitution) Order in Council, 1956. They originally formed part of the Preamble to Order No. C-21 (Constitution), 1941, enacted by the Rajah of Sarawak. these were;

1. That Sarawak is the heritage of Our Subjects and is held in trust by Ourselves for them.

2. That social and education services shall be developed and improved and the standard of living of the people of Sarawak shall steadily be raised.

3. That never shall any person or persons be granted rights inconsistent with those of the people of this country or be in any way permitted to exploit Our Subjects or those who have sought Our protection and care.

4. That justice shall be freely obtainable and that the Rajah and every public servant shall be easily accessible to the public.

5. That freedom of expression both in speech and in writing shall be permitted and encouraged and that everyone shall be entitled to worship as he pleases.

6. That public servants shall ever remember that they are but the servants of the people on whose goodwill and co-operation they are entirely dependent.

7. That so far as may be Our Subjects of whatever race or creed shall be freely and impartially admitted to offices in Our Service, the duties of which they may be qualified by their education, ability and integrity duly to discharge.

8. That the goal of self-government shall always be kept in mind, that the people of Sarawak shall be entrusted in due course with the governance of themselves, and that continuous efforts shall be made to hasten the reaching of this goal by educating them in the obligations, the responsibilities, and the privileges of citizenship.

9. That the general policy of Our predecessors and Ourselves whereby the various races of the State have been enabled to live in happiness and harmony together shall be adhered to by Our successors and Our servants and all who may follow them hereafter.

Source: 

• http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/18-point_agreement, 
• http://startodaynews.blogspot.com/2013/10/9-cardinals-of-sarawak-1941-constitution.html
• http://sabahsarawakmerdeka.blogspot.co.uk/2015/01/20-points-memorandum-sabah-north-borneo.html

• Runciman, Steven (2011). The White Rajah: A History of Sarawak from 1841 to 1946. Cambridge University Press. pp. 248–249. ISBN 9780521128995.

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20-Points Memorandum Sabah (North Borneo)

Introduction

The 20-point agreement, or the 20-point memorandum, is a list of 20 points drawn up by North Borneo, proposing terms for its incorporation into the new federation as the State of Sabah, during negotiations prior to the formation of Malaysia. In the Malaysia Bill of the Malaysia Agreement some of the twenty points were incorporated, to varying degrees, into what became the Constitution of Malaysia; others were merely accepted orally, thus not gaining legal status. The 20-point agreement often serves as a focal point amongst those who argue that Sabah's rights within the Federation have been eroded over time.

Background

Under an agreement signed between Great Britain and the Federation of Malaya the issue of self-determination with respect to the peoples of North Borneo and Sarawak formed a challenge to the formation of the Federation of Malaysia. A Joint Statement issued by the British and Malayan Federal Governments on 23 November 1961 announced that before coming to any final decision it was necessary to ascertain the views of the peoples of North Borneo and Sarawak. It was decided to set up a Commission to carry out that task and to make recommendations.

The British Government, working with the Federation of Malaya Government, appointed a Commission of Enquiry for North Borneo and Sarawak in January 1962 to determine if the people supported the proposal to create a Federation of Malaysia. The five-man team, which comprised two Malayans and three British representatives, was headed by Lord Cameron Cobbold. An inter-governmental committee (The Lansdowne Committee) was appointed to work out the final details of the Malaysia Agreement. Lord Lansdowne served for Britain and Tun Abdul Razak, Deputy Prime Minister of the Federation of Malaya served for Malaya.

The 20 points were written with a view to safeguarding the interests, rights, and autonomy of the people of North Borneo upon the formation of the federation of Malaysia. A similar proposal, with certain differences in content, was made by Sarawak, and is commonly referred to as the 18-point agreement.

Attention is often drawn to these memoranda by those who believe that their principles were not subsequently adhered to after federation. There have been numerous calls for the 20-point memorandum to be reviewed so as to take into account social, economic, and political changes over time.

Brief timeline of related events

• 17 January 1962: The Commission of Enquiry (Cobbold Commission) was announced to observe the views of the people of Singapore, Sarawak, Brunei and North Borneo.
• 21 March 1962: At a meeting of the Greater Malaysia Committee there was agreement that it would be preferable to wait for the Cobbold Commission, which had been tasked with assessment of support for the proposal in North Borneo and Sarawak, to complete its report, in order to consider its findings before a decision was made on the federation of Malaysia.
• 21 June 1962: The Cobbold Report was completed and submitted to the prime ministers of Britain and Malaya (confidentially). The report concluded that one third fully supported the idea, one third were in favour provided that safeguards were included, and the remaining one third were divided between those who would prefer North Borneo and Sarawak to gain independence prior to the merger and those who rejected the merger outright. The Commission's view was - firm support for a federated Malaysia (with transfer of sovereignty within twelve months), incorporating a transitional arrangement in which the British would remain for the first few years.
• 31 July 1962: The British and Malayan governments decided in principle that the proposed Federation of Malaysia should be brought into being by 31 August 1963. An Inter-Governmental Committee (IGC) was to be formed to work on future constitutional arrangements.
• August 1962: The Report was published to all parties. Reportedly, this came as a surprise to North Borneo.
• 13 – 14 August 1962: Donald Stephens convened a meeting of political leaders who drew up a 14-point (later 20-point) memorandum of minimum demands. This gained support from Sarawak.
• 12 & 26 September 1962 (respectively): North Borneo and Sarawak legislative council agreed to the formation of Malaysia on condition that state rights were safeguarded.

The 20 points

Point 1: Religion

While there was no objection to Islam being the national religion of Malaysia, there should be no State religion in North Borneo, and the provisions relating to Islam in the present Constitution of Malaya should not apply to North Borneo.

Point 2: Language

a. Malay should be the national language of the Federation

b. English should continue to be used for a period of 10 years after Malaysia Day

c. English should be an official language of North Borneo for all purposes, State or Federal, without limitation of time.

Point 3: Constitution

Whilst accepting that the present Constitution of the Federation of Malaya should form the basis of the Constitution of Malaysia, the Constitution of Malaysia should be a completely new document drafted and agreed in the light of a free association of states and should not be a series of amendments to a Constitution drafted and agreed by different states in totally different circumstances. A new Constitution for North Borneo was of course essential.

Point 4: Head of Federation

The Head of State in North Borneo should not be eligible for election as Head of the Federation.

Point 5: Name of Federation

“Malaysia” but not “Melayu Raya”

Point 6: Immigration

Control over immigration into any part of Malaysia from outside should rest with the Central Government but entry into North Borneo should also require the approval of the State Government. The Federal Government should not be able to veto the entry of persons into North Borneo for State Government purposes except on strictly security grounds. North Borneo should have unfettered control over the movements of persons other than those in Federal Government employ from other parts of Malaysia into North Borneo.

Point 7: Right of Secession

There should be no right to secede from the Federation.

Point 8: Borneanisation

Borneanisation of the public service should proceed as quickly as possible.

Point 9: British Officers

Every effort should be made to encourage British Officers to remain in the public service until their places can be taken by suitably qualified people from North Borneo.

Point 10: Citizenship

The recommendation in paragraph 148(k) of the Report of the Cobbold Commission should govern the citizenship rights in the Federation of North Borneo subject to the following amendments:

a) sub-paragraph (i) should not contain the proviso as to five years residence

b) in order to tie up with our law, sub-paragraph (ii)(a) should read “7 out of 10 years” instead of “8 out of 10 years”

c) sub-paragraph (iii) should not contain any restriction tied to the citizenship of parents – a person born in North Borneo after Malaysia must be federal citizen.

Point 11: Tariffs and Finance

North Borneo should retain control of its own finance, development and tariff, and should have the right to work up its own taxation and to raise loans on its own credit.

Point 12: Special position of indigenous races

In principle the indigenous races of North Borneo should enjoy special rights analogous to those enjoyed by Malays in Malaya, but the present Malaya formula in this regard is not necessarily applicable in North Borneo.

Point 13: State Government

a) the Prime Minister should be elected by unofficial members of Legislative Council

b) There should be a proper Ministerial system in North Borneo.

Point 14: Transitional period

This should be seven years and during such period legislative power must be left with the State of North Borneo by the Constitution and not be merely delegated to the State Government by the Federal Government.

Point 15: Education

The existing educational system of North Borneo should be maintained and for this reason it should be under state control.

Point 16: Constitutional safeguards

No amendment modification or withdrawal of any special safeguard granted to North Borneo should be made by the Central Government without the positive concurrence of the Government of the State of North Borneo. The power of amending the Constitution of the State of North Borneo should belong exclusively to the people in the state. (Note: The United Party, The Democratic Party and the Pasok Momogun Party considered that a three-fourth majority would be required in order to effect any amendment to the Federal and State Constitutions whereas the UNKO and USNO considered a two-thirds majority would be sufficient.)

Point 17: Representation in Federal Parliament

This should take account not only of the population of North Borneo but also of its size and potentialities and in any case should not be less than that of Singapore.

Point 18: Name of Head of State

Yang di-Pertua Negara.

Point 19: Name of State

Sabah.

Point 20: Land, Forests, Local Government, etc.

The provisions in the Constitution of the Federation in respect of the powers of the National Land Council should not apply in North Borneo. Likewise, the National Council for Local Government should not apply in North Borneo.

Controversies

Point 7: Right of Secession

Article 2 of the Constitution of Malaysia states that the Parliament of Malaysia has the right to change the state boundaries or to admit any new states into the federation. However, there is no provision about the secession of states from the federation. However, former International Islamic University Malaysia (PIHE) academic, Dr Abdul Aziz Bari, said that Article 2 of the Constitution also implies that the Malaysian Parliament has the final say on the secession of a state from the federation, as it did to Singapore in 1965. Besides, any suggestions about secession of Sabah and Sarawak from Malaysia would be punishable under Sedition Act.

Dr Jeniri Amir from Universiti Malaysia Sarawak (UNIMAS) stated that Sarawak and Sabah has no right to secede from the federation according to Point 7. However, a separatist group led by Doris Jones said that the meaning of the word "should" as in "There should be no right to secede from the Federation" is only a recommendation as opposed to "shall" which implies a command.

Point 18: Name of Head of State

In the Malaysia Agreement, the meaning of the term "Governor" included the title of the Head of State of Sabah, which was "Yang di-Pertua Negara". This term was incorporated into the Constitution of Malaysia from 1963 to 1976. However, the Sarawak head of state was named "Yang di-Pertua Negeri" from 1963.

On 27 August 1976, under Article 160 of the Constitution of Malaysia, the term "Governor" was abolished and replaced with "Yang di-Pertua Negeri". This effectively ended the title of "Yang di-Pertua Negara" of Sabah. The Malay translation of the term "State" of Sabah and Sarawak has been "Negeri" (Federated states) instead of "Negara" (Nation) since 1963.

Nevertherless, some groups argue that Sabah and Sarawak should be called "Negara" (Nation), and the head of state called "Yang di-Pertua Negara", on the basis that Sarawak achieved independence on 22 July 1963 and Sabah achieved independence on 31 August 1963 before forming Malaysia together with Federation of Malaya on 16 September 1963. They believe that the head of state of Sabah being known as "Yang di-Pertua Negara" between 1963 to 1976 supports this view.

Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/20-point_agreement

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Terima Kasih Nasionalis Negara Sabah

Pihak SSKM-SSU(UK) ingin mengucapkan ribuan terima kasih kepada En.Zainnal Ajamain dan En.MP Goviind kerana telah membantu pihak kami untuk memantapkan lagi perjuangan ini melalui isu-isu yang diketengahkan. Pada mulanya, pihak kami berasa isu-isu yang dibangkitkan oleh mereka berdua terhadap perjuangan SSKM-SSU(UK) ini sebagai satu ancaman. Namun, setelah memikirkannya melalui sudut yang positif, professional dan matang, pihak kami menyedari bahawa isu-isu seperti inilah yang bakal akan digunakan oleh pihak kerajaan persekutuan tanah melayu (malaya) yang telah menyamar menjadi kerajaan persekutuan malaysia dalam usaha untuk mengelirukan rakyat. Dengan itu, adalah lebih baik pihak kami menjawab dengan segera untuk segala isu yang diketengahkan oleh dua orang Nasionalis Negara Sabah ini.

Ingin pihak kami tegaskan dengan jelas bahawa pihak SSKM-SSU(UK) tidak mempunyai sebarang masalah dengan mana-mana pihak termasuk dengan mereka berdua ini. Apa yang timbul kini seperti apa yang anda lihat dan baca hanyalah perbezaan pengertian, pemahaman, pendirian serta perjuangan. Ia juga termasuk dengan parti-parti politk diluar sana khususnya BN-UMNO dan PR.

Untuk menjawab isu yang dibangkitkan oleh En.Zainnal dan En.MP Goviind, pihak kami akan menggunakan dokumen Suruhanjaya Cobbold dan Inter-Governmental Committee agar pengesahan boleh dibuat bagi menyokong hujah yang akan digunakan untuk menjawab dakwaan mereka.

Pertama [1], pihak SSKM-SSU(UK) mengesahkan bahawa dakwaan mereka berdua tentang kenyataan Cobbold adalah benar bahawa beliau tidak bersetuju untuk memasukkan "larangan untuk berpisah" kerana bagi pendapatnya, Persekutuan ini merupakan satu "Persetujuan atas dasar Sukarela". Maka, adalah tidak harus untuk memasukkannya kedalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan Malaysia. Sila rujuk kepada dokumen "Report of The Commission of Enquiry North Borneo & Sarawak" (sila klik link tersebut untuk mend "download" nya sebagai rujukan anda) dan lihat pada tajuk "Chapter 4: Recommendation; 148 (h): Rights to secede". Anda akan menemukannya.

Kedua [2], seperti yang pihak kami maklumkan, Lord Lansdowne yang merupakan Pengerusi Inter-Governmental Committee, dalam kenyataan akhbarnya juga telah tidak bersetuju untuk memasukkan "Larangan untuk berpisah" kedalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan Malaysia. Ini kerana, menurut kebijaksanaannya, Persekutuan Malaysia ini merupakan Persekutuan yang dianggotai oleh Negara-Negara yang bersetuju untuk membentuknya atas dasar "SUKARELA". Berikut adalah petikkan kenyataan beliau;

"Saya ingin menambah bahawa sebagai perlindungan tambahan terhadap apa-apa tindakan, cadangan telah dibuat bahawa hak untuk menarik diri dari Persekutuan hendaklah ditulis ke dalam Perlembagaan. Cadangan ini tidak diterima oleh Tuan Lansdowne, Pengerusi Suruhanjaya, atas sebab bahawa mana-mana Negara yang menyertai persekutuan secara sukarela mempunyai hak intrinsik untuk menarik diri mengikut kemahuan mereka bila-bila masa, dan oleh itu tidak perlu untuk memasukkannya ke dalam Perlembagaan."

***Untuk membacanya dengan lebih jelas, sila klik link ini Sabah and Sarawak / Sabah dan Sarawak***

Oleh yang demikian, semoga pencerahan ini dapat menjelaskan segala kekeliruan mahupun salah faham yang timbul. Kepada semua penyokong-penyokong Perjuangan SSKM-SSU(UK) khususnya kepada sukarelawan-sukarelawati diluar sana, janganlah anda terkeliru mahupun kehilangan keyakinan dalam perkara ini. Sila hubungi pihak kami untuk mendapatkan kepastian mahupun pengesahan agar ia boleh dijelaskan. Satu perkara lagi, janganlah anda membenci mahupun memarahi dua orang Nasionalis Negara Sabah ini kerana sumbangan mereka dalam merungkai segala persoalan demi persoalan harus diberikan Pengiktirafan dan Penghormatan. Pihak SSKM-SSU(UK) menyanjung semangat dan aspirasi yang ditonjolkan oleh mereka dan segala perbuatan mereka yang ditunjukkan didalam Media Massa iaitu didalam Facebook mahupun dalam Blog milik mereka itu adalah hak dan kebebasan mereka. Seperti mana pihak SSKM-SSU(UK) mempunyai hak dalam mengeluarkan kenyataan demi kenyataan dalam sesuatu perkara, demikian juga mereka.

Biarlah perbezaan dalam perjuangan ini menjadi satu keisitimewaan yang mewarnai jalan dalam memartabatkan Bangsa Negara Sabah dan Bangsa Negara Sarawak. Pihak SSKM-SSU(UK) ingin mengucapkan sekali lagi ribuan terima kasih kepada En.Zainnal Ajamain dan En.MP Goviind atas segala sumbangan yang telah diberikan kepada rakyat Negara Sabah dan rakyat Negara Sarawak. Teruskanlah perjuangan anda mengikut cara anda. Semoga Berjaya!  

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Today in History

Representatives from Sabah and Sarawak demanded a higher degree of autonomy as part of the bargain which were included in the 20-point agreement and 18-point agreement respectively. It has also been argued that Sabah and Sarawak have equal status to that of Malaya as a whole, however the Constitution of Malaysia have listed both these entities as merely 2 of the 13 states of Malaysia, suggesting that Sabah and Sarawak is an equal status with the states in the Federation of Malaya. But history establishes beyond the shadow of doubt that Sabah and Sarawak is a sovereign state after gain her independence from United Kingdom. State of Sabah 31 August 1963, Kingdom of Sarawak 22 July 1963 Interestingly, not many Malaya government official want to accept this fact but slowly erasing Sabah and Sarawak from autonomous region or from Special Administrative Region check list through social media, prime government and private media and internationally.The Sedition Act in Malaysia is a law prohibiting discourse deemed as seditious. The act was originally enacted by the colonial authorities of British Malaya in 1948 and preventing activist spreading the truth. Sedition Act violates East M'sian rights. 

The Federal Government of Malaya has been warned of the consequences of amending the Sedition Act 1948 by the Umno-led government, in order to make it unlawful for the people of Sarawak and Sabah to exercise their legitimate right in voicing their grievances over what they see as the failure of the promises of Malaysia to uphold civil liberties and democratic freedom.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/20-point_agreement

WHAT DO THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT SHOULD DO?

The federal government should correct the true facts of history and restore the basis of the formation of Malaysia on 16 September 1963 and not create mis-information on the rights of State of Sabah and Kingdom of Sarawak who formed Malaysia with the Federation of Malaya by threatening nationalists who are seeking the restoration of these rights'' responding to threats of action against alleged secessionists. The issue of secession does not arise at all. In 1963, Sabah and Sarawak merged with the Federation of Malaya and Singapore to form Malaysia and partly to help solve their problems.If we go back in history in 1965, it will be noted that the federal government and the government of Singapore signed the separation agreement even before the matter was tabled in the federal parliament for approval on 9 August 1965.

“Wouldn’t it be secessionist and treasonous for the separation agreement to be signed before it was tabled in Parliament?” Wouldn’t the calls by Umno leaders, religious bigots and Malay extremists to chase out other Malaysians and for them to leave the federation be separatist, seditious and treasonous? asked Dr. Jeffrey.The real issue at hand is that the people in Sabah and Sarawak are unhappy and they have every right to voice their unhappiness with their many, many grievances.

Sabahans and Sarawakians now realize that they have been taken for a ride and cheated by Malaya in the name of the federal government. Malaya have taken over and treated Sabah as it is a Malayan colony.

The federal leaders should take a drive round Sabah and look at the reality of the situation in Sabah. In 2010, the World Bank reported that Sabah is the poorest State in Malaysia where 40% of the nation’s poor are in Sabah and Labuan. This is re-affirmed by the PM’s Department in 2012. This is a slap for the federal and Sabah governments for Sabah would have contributed some RM63.3 billion to Petronas and the federal government for 2012-2014 while only receiving RM3.34 billion. Apart from being the poorest, its oil and gas resources have been taken away, loss of State revenues, population re-engineered with the unlawful issuance of dubious ICs and MyKads to non-qualified immigrants and the rights of Sabah trampled and the Malaysia Agreement not complied with.

There is nothing sinister or wrong for Sabah and Sarawak to want their rights in MA63 including the 20-Points to be respected and honoured together with the promises and assurances made by the Malayan leaders. There is nothing seditious or treasonous in raising these rights and voicing out these grouses.The IGP should know Sabah rights better by just noticing that the head of the police in Sabah is different from the CPOs in the other Malayan states.The Malayan federal leaders will be committing the greatest sin against Malaysia as well as against Sabah if they arrest the people to shut our voices.

The world is watching

“Sabahans and Sarawakians will not be cowed by the threats of arrest as the fight for their rights will go on even with my arrest. I do not intend to prepare anything and I will just pray. Any arrest will be good for the struggle for Sabah and Sarawak and it will get stronger and eventually lead to the separation of the Borneo States” stressed Dr. Jeffrey. Before carrying out any arrests, the federal leaders need to understand that Sabah and Sarawak agreed to the formation of Malaysia. Sabahans and Sarawakians are clamouring for the restoration of their rights which are well documented.

If the basis of formation is not honoured, Sabah and Sarawak have the legal right not to continue with Malaysia. In such a scenario, de-merger or dissolution of Malaysia would be the last and forced option for Sabah and Sarawak. It is not treasonous. It would be treason if the Malaya/federal governments fail or refuse to honour the basis of the formation of Malaysia.

If the federal government and the IGP wish to carry out arrests, the first people they should arrest for treason should be those that were involved in Project IC and the issuance of dubious MyKads and ICs to foreigners and making them as Umno members/Sabahan voters. The evidence is all in the RCI hearings.The people especially in Sabah and Sarawak should not be prevented from voicing their grievances.After all, it is their future and the future of Sabah and Sarawak which concerns them. -YB Datuk Dr. Jeffrey Kitingan, Chairman, STAR Sabah statement

Remaining Question and quiet controversial : Do you support the Autonomous Region of Sabah and Autonomous Region of Sarawak for self Determination to drafting her independence referendum or to remain in the Federation? This is a legal according to United Nations, UN Geneva law, Historical facts and truths without physical violence.

Paying tribute to the fallen heroes at the Double Six, and late Dr. Jebon Janaun

Nationalism, Referendums and Democracy: 

Voting on Ethnic Issues and Independence.

Source: https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=1530537427226969&set=a.1400783326869047.1073741829.100008121790185&type=1

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